Friday, 29 August 2025

ROOTS UPROOTED : THE SILENT STRUGGLES OF ODISHA’S TRIBAL COMMUNITIES

By Arpita Mishra


“When the last tree is cut and the last river poisoned, only then will we realize that we cannot eat money”


“Erase a forest, and you erase a people's history, culture, and future.”

   

  • INTRODUCTION -:


In the deep forested hills of Odisha, tribal communities have lived for centuries in harmony with nature. But today, many of them face an uncertain future as land conflicts rise and powerful interests seek to extract resources from beneath their feet.

        “The forest is not a resource for us. It is life itself,” say the Dongria Kondhs of Odisha’s Niyamgiri hills. Odisha is home to nearly 62 tribal communities, including the Kondh, Juang, Bonda, and Dongria Kondh, each with distinct traditions deeply rooted in their land and forests. For these communities, land is not merely an economic asset — it is their identity, culture, and spiritual anchor. Yet, their survival is under constant threat. Large-scale mining projects, industrial expansion, and forced displacement have steadily eroded their rights and livelihoods. Despite constitutional and legal safeguards like the Forest Rights Act, violations are frequent, leaving many Adivasis voiceless in the face of powerful interests. Their struggle reflects a larger question: what does development truly mean, and who pays the price for it ?                                        

                          Odisha is home to a rich and diverse tribal population, forming a significant portion of the state's demographics. Among the prominent tribes are the Kondh (including the Dongria Kondh), Juang, and Bonda communities, each with unique cultures, languages, and traditions deeply intertwined with the natural environment.


  • BACKGROUND :-

Odisha’s mineral-rich landscape has become both a blessing and a curse for its tribal communities. The state holds vast reserves of coal, iron ore, and especially bauxite, which has drawn major corporations and state-led industrial projects into its forested regions. One of the most well-known cases is the proposed bauxite mining in the Niyamgiri hills by Vedanta Resources. The Dongria Kondhs, who consider these hills sacred, launched a historic resistance movement in the early 2000s. Their struggle gained international attention, and in 2013, the Supreme Court upheld their right to decide, marking a rare victory for indigenous self-determination.
However, Niyamgiri is not an isolated case. Across Odisha, thousands of Adivasis have been displaced for steel plants, dams, and mining projects. Compensation packages, when provided, are often inadequate or delayed, leaving families landless and stripped of livelihoods. According to the Odisha Tribal Empowerment and Livelihoods Programme, more than 1.5 million people have been displaced in the state since independence, and over 40% of them are from tribal communities. 

 

A different but equally significant struggle unfolded in Jagatsinghpur district, where the proposed POSCO steel plant threatened to displace thousands of villagers. Dependent on betel cultivation and fishing, these communities feared the loss of not only their land but also their way of life. The POSCO Pratirodh Sangram Samiti led a decade-long resistance, despite facing arrests, police violence, and state repression. Eventually, POSCO withdrew in 2017, underlining how grassroots determination can halt even the most powerful corporations.


But not all stories ended with victory. The construction of the Hirakud Dam in the 1950s submerged more than 360 villages, displacing over 1.5 lakh people, many of them tribals and farmers. Promises of rehabilitation and compensation were either inadequate or never fulfilled. Generations later, descendants of the displaced still live in poverty, making Hirakud a haunting reminder of how development projects can permanently fracture communities.


 To protect these communities, the Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006 was enacted, recognizing the rights of forest dwellers over land and minor forest produce. In theory, it empowers Gram Sabhas (village councils) to decide on land use. In practice, however, these provisions are frequently ignored or bypassed in the name of “national development.” This creates a tension between state interests in resource extraction and tribal communities’ demands for justice and survival. The conflicts of Niyamgiri, POSCO, and Hirakud illustrate a recurring pattern in Odisha: while the state views land as an economic resource, tribal communities see it as life itself. 

                                                 The story of land conflicts in Odisha is thus not just about economics, but about identity, culture, and dignity — where the cost of development is borne disproportionately by those who can least afford it. 


  • CASE STUDY OR REAL STORY:- 

Case Study 1 -: The Niyamgiri Movement and the Dongria Kondh Resistance


High in the Niyamgiri hills of Odisha lives the Dongria Kondh, a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG) known for their unique culture, deep ecological knowledge, and sacred bond with nature. To the Dongria Kondhs, Niyam Raja — the spirit of the hills — is a deity. The forests provide fruits, tubers, and medicinal plants; the streams nourish their fields; and the hills themselves form the basis of their spiritual and cultural life. For them, to lose the hills would be to lose everything.


In the early 2000s, the Odisha government signed agreements with Vedanta Resources to mine bauxite from the Niyamgiri hills. The project promised industrial growth and revenue for the state but threatened to destroy forests, pollute rivers, and displace the Dongria Kondhs. For the community, the mine was not simply an economic threat but an assault on their identity and survival.


What followed was an extraordinary resistance movement. The Dongria Kondhs, supported by local activists and national environmental groups, organized village meetings, human chains, and marches. Women, men, and even children participated, holding placards that read: “Save Niyamgiri, Save Life.” Their voices reached international platforms, drawing global attention to the plight of an indigenous group standing up to a multinational giant.


The turning point came in 2013, when the Supreme Court of India directed that the decision to allow or deny mining should rest with the local Gram Sabhas (village assemblies). In a historic show of unity, all 12 Gram Sabhas unanimously rejected Vedanta’s proposal. This was the first time in India that a community had exercised its legal right to decide the fate of its land under the Forest Rights Act, 2006.


The Niyamgiri victory is more than a local triumph; it is a symbol of ecological democracy. It showed that even the most marginalized voices, when united, can challenge powerful corporations and state-backed projects. For the Dongria Kondhs, it was not just a win for their land but for their very existence. For the rest of India, it was a reminder that true development must include not erasing indigenous identities.




Case Study 2 : The POSCO Struggle in Jagatsinghpur, Odisha


In 2005, the Odisha government signed a memorandum of understanding with South Korean steel giant POSCO to set up a massive steel plant in Jagatsinghpur district, valued at over ₹52,000 crore. It was hailed as India’s largest-ever foreign direct investment (FDI) project at the time. But for the people of the region, especially in villages like Dhinkia, Nuagaon, and Govindpur, it was the beginning of a nightmare.


The project required nearly 4,000 acres of land, much of it belonging to farmers and tribals who cultivated betel vines, cashew, and paddy. The lush green betel farms were not just a source of income but the foundation of local livelihoods, with Odisha supplying over 90% of India’s betel leaves. To the villagers, giving up their land meant not only economic insecurity but also the collapse of a centuries-old social fabric.

As the state machinery moved to acquire land, the villagers organized themselves under the banner of the POSCO Pratirodh Sangram Samiti (PPSS). The resistance was remarkable — men, women, and even children built barricades, sat in protest camps, and formed human chains to prevent officials from entering their villages. Women, in particular, took a leading role, guarding their fields day and night. The protest became one of the longest anti-displacement struggles in India’s history.


The villagers faced severe state repression. There were police crackdowns, lathi charges, arrests, and hundreds of false cases filed against activists. Yet the movement endured, powered by the determination of ordinary people who refused to become refugees in their own land.


After a decade of conflict, POSCO finally withdrew from Odisha in 2017, unable to overcome the local resistance and environmental hurdles. The movement was a significant victory for grassroots democracy. It showed that development imposed from above, without the consent of affected communities, cannot succeed in the long run. For the people of Jagatsinghpur, it was proof that collective courage could defeat even the most powerful forces of globalization.



  • REFLECTION AND ANALYSIS :- 

The land conflicts in Odisha are not just disputes over resources; they are struggles for justice and ecological democracy. For tribal communities, land and forests are more than material assets; they are the foundation of identity, spirituality, and survival. When these lands are taken away in the name of progress, it is not only an economic displacement but also a cultural erasure. True justice, therefore, demands recognizing that development must be inclusive, respecting the rights of those who live closest to nature.


Yet, tribal voices are routinely sidelined in policy-making. Despite laws like the Forest Rights Act (2006), decisions about mining, dams, and industrial projects are often made in boardrooms and government offices, far removed from the villages they affect. Gram Sabhas, when consulted, are frequently manipulated or bypassed. The experience of the Dongria Kondhs in Niyamgiri was exceptional precisely because their voices were finally heard — but such cases remain rare.


Equally troubling is the silence of mainstream media. Stories of displacement and resistance seldom make national headlines, overshadowed by urban-centric debates or political controversies. When covered at all, tribal struggles are often framed as anti-development or anti-national, rather than as legitimate demands for justice and dignity. This erasure reinforces their invisibility, leaving them to fight battles in isolation.


Land conflicts in Odisha thus expose a deeper democratic deficit — where the most marginalized are excluded from decisions that determine their future. Unless the media, policymakers, and society at large begin to listen, India’s promise of equality and justice will remain incomplete.


  • CONCLUSION :-

The stories of Niyamgiri and Jagatsinghpur remind us that development is not simply about industries, investments, or GDP figures, it is about people, their rights, and their dignity. For Odisha’s tribal and rural communities, land is life itself, inseparable from culture, memory, and spirituality. When this bond is broken, the loss cannot be measured in compensation or statistics. These struggles show that real progress lies not in silencing marginalized voices, but in listening to them and respecting their choices. Justice and ecological democracy demand that those who live closest to the land should have the greatest say in its future. As India moves forward, the question remains: will development continue to be imposed from above, or can we imagine a path where the voices of the most vulnerable guide us toward a more just and sustainable future?  

                                 “The forests may not speak our language, but those who live closest to them — Odisha’s Adivasis — are trying to tell us something. It is time we listened.”


 

No comments:

Post a Comment